

A study of the Russian diaspora in the 'near abroad'

Challenging the Norm in Puritannical America

Presents All types of Political Perspectives

A look at Victory of Seapower

Good for research on the transition of Vietnam's Economy.

wayward balloon

After reading this book,your personal hygine looks godly
Anything but Childishcourageous and paradoxically depressing works of the 20th Century. No doubt whatsoever: Mr. Childish has been attacked by some hideous spirit-killing insect, the result of which has been the rotting away of that which shielded his innards from hordes of those tire-kicking readers among us. No doubt this was an exceptionally difficult and painful book for him to
birth. And as necessary for him to get out of himself as was D-DAY so painful and critically needed more than a half century back.
More than anything, Mr. Childish displays with this work a quite possibly terminal case of the sad sads. It's up to readers not to shirk, not to shy away from exceedingly depressing books which are in every other sense magnificent triumphs of a delicate, sensitive, and very alive artist. Presently, Knut Hamsun Billy Childish is not. But he's on the way. Hamsun had to write for Nazis. There is a rightist tendency in some of Mr. Childish's finger pointing prose. May he grow out of this, manage his burning anger better in future volumes.
He's a fierce talent who needs to guard against rash judgments of others and their own works. Dig a little deeper before hating so fast and full. He'll discover the golden rule not so simple-minded after all.
Billy Childish writes an honest book about youth.

Title Correct
Critical Examination of the Fundamentals of US Government

Boring text but great photos. Where are the line drawings?Most disturbing is the lack of scale line drawings to illustrate the vessels' appearance. Yes, Roberts has drawn a wonderful 1:200 scale plan of Lion-class Queen Mary provided as a separate double-sided sheet, a couple of nice detail drawings, and sketches of armor layout. But there are no other drawings to show the appearance of the other six classes of British battlecruisers. This is an unforgivable omission in a book of this price and this pretentious title. What this book does offer is 80 large, nicely reproduced b/w photographs, 47 of which are credited to the author's collection. These 47 are not the usual collection of Imperial War Museum photos and were new to my eye.
Aside from the backroom discussions leading to their design, there is little here for the historian. Aside for the photos and the large-scale drawing of Queen Mary there is nothing here for the modeler.
Good book for the naval history buffAs somone who likes getting into the gritty details of ship designs, I found _Battlecruisers_ to be an interesting book. Unfortunately, though, it's also a short book, a mere 128 pages (plus fold-out blueprints). This is a shame, as while the book of necessity mentrions some of the controversy surrounding these ships, it does not delve nearly deeply enough into the basic rationale for the ships as expressed by their creator, Lord Fisher. On the other hand, one could make the argument that such details are out of place in a design history, and furthermore that Fisher himself was never able to clearly articulate their rationale in anything other than pithy phrases such as "speed is armor."
If you are a familiar with the battlecruiser controversy, then I recommend this book. If you are not familair with it, I would suggest reading the section on the Battle of Jutland in John Keegan's _The Price of Admiralty_, and then reading _Battlecruisers_ concurrently with the relevant chapters in Robert Massie's _Dreadnought_.


Little Nelson, not much Vanguard
Patented DK Brown
Neil Melvin's valuable study of the role of the Russian-speaking communities in the development of national identity in six former Soviet republics grew out of a project organized by the Royal Institute of International Affairs. In each case, Melvin has provided the historical background to the contemporary problems. Within the Russian Federation, the Russian national question is of fundamental importance, because in certain areas, of which Chechenia is the best known, Russians constitute a minority. The disintegration of the USSR created a situation in which some 25 million Russian settlers found themselves living in newly independent states. The consequent notion of a Russian diaspora was integrated into the definition of the Russian nation. It was only with the Gorbachev reforms of the 1980s and the rise of nationalist politics that Russian identity began to undergo significant change. After the collapse of the USSR, the leading members of the democratic bloc, led by Yeltsin and his Foreign Minister Kozyrev, claimed that interference in the internal affairs of neighbours belonged to the imperial and Soviet past. But by the winter of 1992, the democratic defence of the settler communities had become a basic tenet of Russia's external and domestic policies. In his 1994 New Year address, Yeltsin described the diaspora as 'inseparable from us', but by the early summer this line was being toned down.
In the Baltic states, each republic has followed different approaches to the settler communities. In Estonia, the official line has shown willingness to support the cultural and political development of the non-Estonian community, while Latvia has been the most extreme case of Sovietization. However, from 1989 to 1991, the Russian-speaking populations in both states demonstrated increasing support for Baltic independence. The defeat of the August 1991 coup in Moscow caused many leading Latvian politicians to encourage non-Latvians to leave, and in the June 1993 elections the nationalist parties were easy winners while most of the Russian-speaking population were unable to vote. In Estonia, the Russian settlers developed as a far more integrated community, notably in the north-east. Indeed, the integration of non-Estonians was further accelerated by the parliamentary elections in early 1995. In contrast to Latvia where a requirement to work in the bureaucracy is fluency in Latvian, Estonians have built important bridges with their Russian speakers. The final military withdrawal in August 1994 signalled Moscow's commitment to independent Baltic states.
Romania and the Russian Federation have had territorial and diaspora claims on Moldova. Six days after the Moldovan declaration of independence on 27 August 1991, the five districts on the left bank of the Dniester declared a separate independence in the Moldovan Transdniestrian Republic (the PMR). The PMR then formed the economic core of the Moldovan political economy. Industry on the left bank was closely tied to the Soviet military industrial complex. The proposed absorption into Romania constituted a central challenge to this position. From the bloody Dniester conflict in 1992, which finally halted Romanianization, emerged Moldovan nationalism personified in the Agrarian Democratic Party, which triumphed in the 1994 elections. On the right bank, the Socialist unity alliance and the Russian Centre in Chisinau guarded the position of the Russian-speaking community. The engagement of Chisinau with the IMF and the World Bank meant that the right bank was becoming more vital economically than the unreformed PMR and has been helped to do so by pro-Moldovan settler organizations backed by the Russian government.
Large-scale Russian settlement of the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine has led many Russians to conclude that a distinct Ukrainian nationality is a fiction. Ukrainian nationalism dates primarily from the post-war years when Ukraine became a member of the United Nations; but in the 1970s and 1980s nationalist and anti-Soviet forces were kept in check. In 1989, the leading independent movement, Rukh, was formed which provoked anxiety in the Russified East, where the new business class supported privatization, reforging links to industry in Russia and protecting the Russian language. From early 1994, Crimea's leading economic actors began to distance themselves from the more radical pro-Moscow line of Russian nationalist groups. Indeed, since October 1993 the Russian government has generally supported the Ukrainian position on the Crimean issue, fearing that its secession would establish a dangerous precedent for areas such as Chechenia. There is a strong sense among Russians in the west that they are Central Europeans rather than Russians of the Russian Federation. Overall, by mid-1995, despite continuing chronic economic problems, Ukraine seemed unlikely to disintegrate.
A distinct Kazakh national identity has been steadily developing since the late 1950s. Kunaev became First Secretary in 1960 and was the first Kazakh to rise to membership of the Politburo. The perestroika years did much to accelerate the development of a Kazakh national identity and transform the nationalist movement into a political force. In December 1986, there were riots in Almaty when Kolbin, a Russian from Ulyanovsk, replaced Kunaev. But during the debate on sovereignty in October 1990, a bill was passed acknowledging that the Kazakh language should have a special place in Kazakhstan, leaving a diminished role for Russian language and culture. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Kazakhstan became a single ethno-political unity and the Russian community in the north and east was left without an organization to speak on its behalf. President Nazarbaev's party, which has always strongly opposed dual citizenship, has profited from the immigration of some one million ethnic Kazakhs living in and beyond the former USSR and the exodus of some 200,000 Russians. With the settlers demanding unification with Russia, Russified Kazakhs calling for a confederation and Kazakh nationalists demanding even greater independence, Nazarbaev is confronted by a complex problem of balancing the promotion of links between the north-east and Russia and the retention of crucial elements of national sovereignty that will allow him to keep support in the key southern areas. Kazakhstan is the area in which the settler issue continues to pose the greatest challenge to peace and stability.
The central finding of Neil Melvin's study is that because of the poorly articulated character of Russian ethnicity, widespread conflict did not develop, as might have been expected, over the issue of Russian settler communities. There was no common understanding of what it meant to be Russian among the 25 million Russians living outside the Russian Federation. Moreover, the fact that many of the post-Soviet elite in Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Moldova (after the war in 1992) were drawn from the former communist system, ensured that ethno-nationalism was often moderated by the stress which national communism placed on inter-ethnic accord. If, however, after the presidential elections in June 1996, Russia enters an expansionist or nationalist trajectory, the issue of the diaspora might well play a central role in reviving Russia as a 'Great Power' which needs to protect its diaspora by possible territorial annexations.
NIGEL CLIVE